by Bhavesh Jinadra by CNB
Roanoke Times Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc. DATE: MONDAY, February 3, 1992 TAG: 9202030036 SECTION: NATIONAL/INTERNATIONAL PAGE: A-8 EDITION: METRO SOURCE: MICHAEL PARKS LOS ANGELES TIMES DATELINE: WASHINGTON LENGTH: Medium
YELTSIN: WEST MUST `DEFEND DEMOCRACY'
Boris Yeltsin, having brought down the Soviet system and ended socialism to the cheers of the United States and its allies, is now challenging the West to make sure that democracy and a free-market economy succeed in Russia.Massive Western assistance is needed quickly, Yeltsin declared during his first trip abroad as president of an independent and post-Soviet Russia, or the reforms he has undertaken will likely fail, his people will grow discouraged and a new dictatorship will arise.
"We're calling for cooperation, cooperation with the whole world, because if the reform in Russia goes under, that means there will be a Cold War again, and that Cold War could turn into a hot war with an arms race once more," Yeltsin said here, spelling out the costs for the West if democracy fails in Russia.
"Again, there would be the same regime that we have just recently rid ourselves of. We cannot allow this to happen. In this reform, the whole world community must participate . . . not just with some sort of financial help but political support, cooperation and the accomplishment of the overall program."
The challenge that Yeltsin is deliberately posing to President Bush and other Western leaders is one of responsibility if Russia's transformation fails.
"Who lost Russia?" a senior Russian official accompanying Yeltsin said over the weekend. "That could very well be the question historians will put to President Bush if our reforms fail through lack of support.
"The basic task, of course, rests with us, but Bush and the West must play an essential role in supporting the change. That takes money, but more than just plain dollars it takes political courage and farsightedness."
That message is not new. Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev delivered it frequently on his trips abroad, and only after the attempted coup by hard-line Communists in August did the West begin to understand how deadly serious Gorbachev had been.
Yeltsin, with his characteristic bluntness, made the point repeatedly and even more emphatically last week during his talks in Washington, London, Ottawa and at the United Nations in New York, for there is no higher goal now for Russian diplomacy than saving the country's threatened reforms.
"Touch and go, everything is touch and go," Yegor Gaidar, the country's deputy prime minister for economic reforms, said in an interview in New York. "The next two or three months could be negatively decisive for us. . . . We need help, not to bail us out but to steady us on our course.
"Where do the West's interests lie? Certainly not in a return to past oppression, certainly not in re-establishment of an ideologically aggressive political and economic system, certainly not in another battle for world supremacy. But still the West hesitates."
The basic Russian argument is that Western security depends on the rapid and radical transformation of the old Soviet political and economic system into one based on a pluralist democracy, a strong free-market economy and peace among the former Soviet republics.
"Consider what happens if we fail," warned Col. Gen. Dmitri Volkogonov, a Yeltsin adviser.
Returning home Sunday, Yeltsin said he feels that the West is finally beginning to understand that the reforms in Moscow could be reversed and Western assistance is needed to underwrite the changes.
"I expect immediate results from my trip," Yeltsin said on his arrival Sunday afternoon at Moscow's Vnukovo Airport. "Especially now, I expect emergency food supplies. Everybody assured me that the food will be sent to Russia immediately. . . .
"This trip has finally prompted the leaders of a number of countries to support our reforms. At the moment, this support is strong."
But Russian officials heard criticism from the ministers and their deputies who are their counterparts.
"They tell us we are going too slowly, that we are too timid, that we should do this or that," a Yeltsin aide said at the end of the week. "They say we should demonstrate a greater commitment to democracy, that we should privatize faster, that we should open the economy totally to foreign capital.
"Again we are finding that the cheering section is very loud, very active but that the people who have the money are silent."
Yeltsin's impatience with the slowness in Western assistance was clear when he told a news conference at the United Nations: "We've been talking about this for seven months, and, unfortunately, so far nothing has been done. That's very dangerous, for today Russia is facing the last opportunity to defend democracy."