Roanoke Times
                 Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc.

DATE: THURSDAY, June 10, 1993                   TAG: 9308250316
SECTION: EDITORIAL                    PAGE: A11   EDITION: METRO 
SOURCE: Ray L. Garland
DATELINE:                                 LENGTH: Long

IT WAS ALLEN WHO HELD GOP CONVENTION IN HIS HAND

The ``ripple of nervousness among the faithful,'' which this pundit believed he detected on the matter of Allen's readiness for the test match with Mary Sue Terry, existed mainly in his imagination. It certainly wasn`t much in evidence among the 13,000 delegates who gave the former congressman and state legislator a tremendous vote of confidence.

The press was so busy focusing on the four or five thousand new people that Farris enlisted to attend their first political convention that it lost sight of the fact that Allen amassed more delegates against two strong opponents than either Farris or Gilmore each did against a single opponent.

In sum, the extent to which Allen held that enormous gathering in the palm of his hand was nothing short of astonishing and is deserving of respect.

Even the losers gave a good account of themselves. It was impressive to see GOP luminaries from Barry Goldwater to former Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney stand up for Bobbie Kilberg in her doomed bid for second spot on the ticket. When Republicans regain the White House, it is almost certain that this exceptional woman will be tapped for important responsibilities.

Even more impressive was the phalanx of Republican members of the General Assembly who came to the podium to back the bid of their colleague, Del. Steve Agee, for the post of attorney general. In his retirement from elective politics, which he says will be permanent, Agee has the satisfaction of knowing that those in the best position to judge his worth - and who must win elections on their own - believed he was the right man for the task at hand.

Regular readers will know my preference for the primary to settle strongly contested party nominations. The extraordinary turnout for this convention should not blind Republicans to the fact that perhaps 25 times as many would have cast ballots in a primary.

It is certainly a fact that the convention method gives the religious right a disproportionate influence on the outcome. Wherever real commitment exists, whether it be on the right or the left, the task of recruitment becomes much easier. Wherever people are known by the company they keep, whether it be as members of a fundamentalist church or a labor union, they are more easily contacted and mobilized.

If the Farris vote is taken as the measure of the strength of the religious right at the GOP convention - as it must be - then it was comfortably in control. But those Republicans who don't like it should ask themselves, ``Why wasn't I there?'' Nobody who wanted to be a delegate was excluded, and there were thousands of places that went unfilled.

But that makes it sound easier than it is. Candidates like Kilberg and gubernatorial aspirant Earle Williams must recruit delegates one at a time, and it takes a lot of selling to persuade people to take time to go to a local mass meeting and then to a state convention. Only those who have successfully organized a convention without access to a ready-made, narrow-focus base should condemn those who fall short in trying same. It is damnably difficult work, as moderates in both parties can testify, which is why the primary is the fairer way.

If the religious right often shows its unattractive, doctrinaire side, let it be remembered that most of what it seeks is wholesome compared to the prevailing power of materialistic values with which it does battle.

Some say the Republicans should disavow the religious right. But a minority party cannot afford the luxury - even if it could find the means - of telling so many millions to get lost. When you see the advantages with which Democrats start as the party of the welfare state - aided in many cases by an obliging media - you begin to appreciate why the GOP must take support where it can find it.

The religious right will never have the power to impose its vision on the country, but liberals have had the power to impose much of theirs, and were preparing to strike for even larger victories when the Clinton Express was recently moved to the slow track.

Farris makes no secret of where he stands, calling for a ``Republican Party driven by the power of principle, not the politics of compromise.'' He deserves the chance to present his views to the people of Virginia without the press hanging the label ``extremist'' around his neck. Even his pet cause of preserving home schooling as an option for parents is hardly novel or radical. In fact, it used to be commonplace, and many of our greatest people were products of it.

But whatever can be said of Farris, you can't make the case that Allen is a captive of the right. His record, both in Congress and the General Assembly, simply won't support it. What you can say is that here is a relatively young man who has demonstrated rare political mastery that deserves to be taken seriously.

In promising to begin his administration by naming a blue-ribbon commission ``to examine state government from top to bottom,'' Allen also demonstrates an understanding of the greatest challenge facing Virginia's next governor. That is, to enlist outside experts to show him how to improve services without constant recourse to higher taxes.

\ Ray L. Garland is a Roanoke Times & World-News columnist.

Keywords:
POLITICS