ROANOKE TIMES
Copyright (c) 1995, Roanoke Times
DATE: Sunday, December 17, 1995 TAG: 9512190018
SECTION: NATIONAL/INTERNATIONAL PAGE: A-4 EDITION: METRO
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
SOURCE: GLENN F. BUNTING AND DAVID WILLMAN LOS ANGELES TIMES
HIS POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE OFFERED contributors the opportunity to ``work with Newt Gingrich and to influence his issues and direction.''
To hear the defenders of Rep. Newt Gingrich, R-Ga., tell it, the embattled House speaker is guilty of nothing more than mastering the art of politics.
But interviews and recently released federal records show that Gingrich has invited critical attention by bestowing special treatment on donors who gave substantial sums to his pet political project.
The project was the GOP Action Committee, called GOPAC, which raised untold millions over the past decade for the Republican revolution that Gingrich was fomenting. By using GOPAC, Gingrich could encourage executives to donate unlimited amounts with the assurance that their contributions would not be revealed in records open to the public.
In letters to supporters, GOPAC left little doubt that those who gave at least $10,000 a year would enjoy extraordinary access to the Republican congressman from Georgia.
Part of what made GOPAC ``unique,'' according to the letters, was the opportunity to ``work with Newt Gingrich and to influence his issues and direction.'' Gingrich himself extended invitations for contributors to accompany him on 6 a.m. walks for ``an hour of uninterrupted conversation.''
Sometimes, the treatment exceeded casual conversation and a ready ear, according to voluminous records obtained through the Federal Election Commission and the Freedom of Information Act.
For example, when the nation's largest producer of cement was struggling to win a favorable government ruling in a trade dispute with Mexican competitors, the company wrote a $10,000 check to GOPAC and received prompt assistance from Gingrich and a fellow congressman who was GOPAC's Texas chairman.
On other occasions, Gingrich helped GOPAC donors by arranging meetings with Bush administration officials and relaying specific business concerns about government regulations.
These actions raise new questions about whether the man who now is House speaker exceeded the bounds of propriety. Although it is accepted practice for members of Congress to seek financial support aggressively, they are prohibited by law from taking official action in exchange for anything of value, including contributions.
Gingrich's office referred calls seeking his comment to GOPAC Executive Director Lisa Nelson. She said Gingrich, who resigned as GOPAC chairman this year, responds to requests for assistance based on merit.
``In Newt's case it doesn't matter whether they give money or not,'' Nelson said. ``Every day of the week he meets with people who don't give a dime. He would help them as much as he would help anyone else.''
A 1991 internal analysis of GOPAC operations warned that Gingrich could be criticized for soliciting large sums from donors who seek to gain special treatment, but dismissed the concern as a ``false'' allegation.
``There is no hint of any contributor who gives money in return for influence,'' the analysis concluded. ``All of our contributors ... want no more from their contributions than a chance to contribute to a cause they believe in.''
Interviews with people involved in GOPAC's transactions and a review of thousands of internal documents unveiled as part of the FEC lawsuit - including memos and solicitation letters written in 1989, 1990 and 1991 - shed added light on how GOPAC raised contributions under Gingrich's leadership. During this period, he was minority whip - the second-highest Republican in the House.
Still, much remains unknown about GOPAC, including the total amount of money collected and spent, as well as the identities of donors. The organization has maintained that it largely is exempt from federal election law that limits individual contributions and bans corporate donations.
GOPAC was formed in 1978 by 13 Republican governors to support GOP candidates for state and local offices. When Gingrich became general chairman in 1986, the organization began focusing on gaining control of the House.
The 1991 internal analysis of GOPAC operations underscores the committee's dependence on Gingrich to raise funds: It warned that GOPAC would lose $410,000 if Gingrich were to miss a one-week fund-raising trip.
Gingrich courted top executives across America - arranging White House receptions with presidents Reagan and Bush, regular visits with top Cabinet officials and members of Congress, private tours of the House chamber and exclusive access to Gingrich himself.
Some charter members, who donated at least $10,000 yearly, were not bashful about expressing their displeasure when they felt ignored.
Philip Gelatt, the owner of a Wisconsin company who has contributed $230,000, canceled his appearance at a GOPAC retreat in Colorado when he learned Gingrich would not show up. A GOPAC staffer, while noting that Gelatt was prepared to give ``in the six figures,'' relayed in a memo that Gelatt said ``something to the effect that he doesn't mind paying the piper if the piper plays.''
On other occasions, however, Gingrich and his top lieutenants were quite willing to accommodate GOPAC donors.
Gingrich once arranged for Emil E. Ogden, a Texas oil entrepreneur who has contributed at least $51,260 to GOPAC, to contact an Energy Department official in the Bush White House.
``I have also written to [the official] on your behalf,'' Gingrich wrote Ogden in a January 1989 letter. ``Please let me know if there is anything more I can do to help.''
Ogden, who is now retired, said he could not recall the request or what he was seeking.
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