THE VIRGINIAN-PILOT
Copyright (c) 1996, Landmark Communications, Inc.
DATE: Monday, April 8, 1996 TAG: 9604080028
SECTION: FRONT PAGE: A1 EDITION: FINAL
TYPE: General Assembly 1996
SOURCE: BY DAVID POOLE, STAFF WRITER
DATELINE: RICHMOND LENGTH: Long : 172 lines
The story line from the 1996 legislature went something like this: The Virginia Senate embarked on a course of bipartisan cooperation, while the House of Delegates engaged in partisan strife.
But that conventional wisdom is called into question by a Virginian-Pilot analysis of 3,515 recorded floor votes during the January-March Assembly session. The analysis reveals that the Senate, despite the unprecedented power-sharing agreement between the chamber's 20 Democrats and 20 Republicans, was far more likely than the House to divide sharply along party lines.
``So much for shared power,'' said Del. C.A. ``Chip'' Woodrum, D-Roanoke. ``It was always a myth anyway.''
Senators acknowledge that there were limits to sharing committee assignments and chairmanships. The system was designed to ensure that the Senate conducted its business in a smooth, cooperative fashion, but was never expected to produce bipartisan consensus on specific issues.
``It was remarkably collegial,'' said Lt. Gov. Donald S. Beyer Jr., the Senate's presiding officer, ``but that doesn't mean that people won't vote their conscience.''
The newspaper's analysis confirmed that partisan temperatures cooled this year after the overheated 1995 Assembly session, when Democrats and Republicans jostled for advantage before last fall's election.
There will be additional opportunities for partisan votes on April 17, when the Assembly reconvenes for a one-day veto session.
Gov. George F. Allen and Democrats appear headed for a constitutional showdown over the governor's authority to veto portions of the budget.
There were 54 partisan votes during the session that ended last month, down from 103 such votes recorded last year. The analysis considered close tallies where the outcome would have changed with a switch of five votes in the 100-member House of Delegates and a change of three votes in the 40-member Senate. Issues where lawmakers divided along regional lines, not party lines, were eliminated.
As in past years, the vast majority of bills and resolutions generated no controversy. Most were routine adjustments to the state code or resolutions lauding local high school teams or bemoaning the death of local dignitaries.
During the regular session, which ended last month, there were 54 partisan votes - 39 in the Senate and 15 in the House.
Beyer, a Democrat, offered several explanations of why the Senate had more partisan votes despite its power-sharing experiment:
Early fights that preceded the Senate's bipartisan accord had a unifying effect on Democratic and Republican caucuses, which carried over to floor votes on issues ranging from child custody to campaign finance reform.
Lawmakers with moderate voting patterns have moved on. There's a wide ideological gulf in the 10-member Senate freshman class - both Republicans and Democrats tend to take extreme positions.
Several bitter issues - including a constitutional amendment giving people the right to enact laws through referendum - handled by the Senate never reached the House floor.
On close votes, the House often divided by region, not party. Rural lawmakers stuck together in opposing restrictions on tobacco sales to minors, increased weight limits on trucks and improved access to prison inmates by reporters.
Of 26 close votes, the House divided 11 times over regional concerns.
In fact, the House had only one straight party-line vote: on a routine elections bill that some Democrats feared would open the door to party identification on ballots in Lynchburg.
In the Senate, partisan considerations were inescapable because of the chamber's 20-20 split. ``The way you count votes is to assume there's going to be a tie, and then you figure out who is going to defect,'' said Sen. M.W. ``Bo'' Trumbo, R-Fincastle.
Senate Democrats lost hold on a trio of conservatives led by Franklin County Sen. Virgil Goode Jr., whose threat to bolt the party forced the Senate to share power in the first place. Goode sided with the opposition in 20 out of 39 partisan votes. He was followed closely by Sen. Charles J. Colgan of Manassas, with 17 defections, and Isle of Wight Sen. Richard J. Holland with 11.
Senate Republicans were a more cohesive bunch, except for Sen. Jane H. Woods of Fairfax, who voted with Democrats in 19 out of 39 partisan votes.
The figures can mislead. Chesapeake Sen. Frederick M. Quayle - a dependable GOP vote - makes the list of top defectors. But that's because three votes involved the governor's proposal to close the Virginia School for the Deaf and Blind in Hampton. Quayle opposed the idea because, he said, it would hurt Hampton Roads families.
In the House, Democrats most likely to side with Republicans represent conservative districts in Southside and Southwest Virginia. One exception: Virginia Beach Del. Glenn R. Croshaw, a pro-business Democrat, broke with his party on campaign finance reform, preservation of the state's toxic materials regulations, press access to prison inmates and dismantling a state board for waste-management facility operators.
Roanoke Del. A. Victor Thomas, who last year tied for most defections among House Democrats, dropped on the partisan index because of fewer votes on abortion and gun control, which he opposes and other Democrats support.
Thomas denied tailoring his voting to earn a coveted appointment to a budget conference committee. ``My position has not changed,'' Thomas said, ``but it (guns and abortion) did not come up. I'm right where I was. I'm a Virginia Democrat and very proud to be one.''
One final note: Bedford Del. Lacey E. Putney, the Assembly's lone independent, sided with Republicans on all 15 partisan votes. ILLUSTRATION: Chart
General Assembly Partisan Votes
1995 session: 103
1996 session: 54
Chart
PARTISAN INDEX
During the 1996 General Assembly session, there were 15 recorded
votes in the House of Delegates where a switch of five votes in
either direction would have changed the outcome. There were 39
Senate votes in which a switch of three votes would have changed the
outcome.
Name, Hometown
Times
broke Party
w/party Votes
HOUSE DEMOCRATS
Tayloe Murphy, Westmoreland 6 40 Percent
J. Paul Councill, Franklin 5 33 Percent
Witt Clement, Danville 4 27 Percent
Glenn Croshaw, Virginia Beach 4 27 Percent
Joseph Johnson, Abingdon 4 27 Percent
HOUSE REPUBLICANS
James Dillard, Fairfax 7 47 Percent
Robert Bloxom, Accomack 4 27
Robert Marshall, Manassas 3 20
Thomas Baker, Pulaski 3 20
SENATE DEMOCRATS
Virgil Goode, Franklin County 20 51 Percent
Charles Colgan, Manassas 17 43 Percent
Richard Holland, Isle of Wigh 11 28 Percent
SENATE REPUBLICANS
Jane Woods, Fairfax 19 49 Percent
Warren Barry, Fairfax 6 15 Percent
Bo Trumbo, Fincastle 5 13 Percent
Fred Quayle, Chesapeake 5 13 Percent
SOUTH HAMPTON ROADS
SENATE
Richard Holland, D-Isle of Wight 11 28 Percent
Fred Quayle, R-Chesapeake 5 13 Percent
Mark Earley, R-Chesapeake 3 8 Percent
Yvonne Miller, D-Norfolk 1 3 Percent
Thomas Norment, R-Williamsburg 1 3 Percent
Ken Stolle, R-Virginia Beach 0
Ed Schrock, R-Virginia Beach 0
Stanley Walker, D-Norfolk 0
Louise Lucas, D-Portsmouth 0
HOUSE
Robert Bloxom, R-Accomack 4 27 Percent
Glenn Croshaw, D-Virginia Beach 4 27 Percent
William Moore, D-Portsmouth 3 20 Percent
Ken Melvin, D-Portsmouth 2 13 Percent
Jerrauld Jones, D-Norfolk 2 13 Percent
Tom Moss, D-Norfolk 1 7 Percent
Bob Tata, R-Virginia Beach 1 7 Percent
William Barlow, D-Smithfield 0
Thelma Drake, R-Norfolk 0
Randy Forbes, R-Chesapeake 0
George Heilig, D-Norfolk 0
Bob McDonnell, R-Virginia Beach 0
Robert Nelms, R-Suffolk 0
Bob Purkey, R-Virginia Beach 0
Lionell Spruill, D-Chesapeake 0
Frank Wagner, R-Virginia Beach 0
Leo Wardrup, R-Virginia Beach 0
KEYWORDS: GENERAL ASSEMBLY VIRGINIA HOUSE OF DELEGATES
VIRGINIA SENATE PARTISAN VOTES by CNB