DATE: Sunday, October 26, 1997              TAG: 9710250002

SECTION: COMMENTARY              PAGE: J5   EDITION: FINAL 

TYPE: Opinion

SOURCE: MARGARET EDDS

DATELINE: RICHMOND                          LENGTH:   89 lines

TOP 10 REASONS FOR A PREFERENCE

By electing to ``sit out'' the governor's race, Doug Wilder has, in effect, boosted the candidacy of Jim Gilmore.

That is his right.

But along with rights come responsibilities. In this case, I think the former Democratic governor has a duty to tell thousands of former supporters why it makes no difference to him whether Republican Gilmore or Democrat Don Beyer occupies the seat he once held.

Wilder, the nation's first elected black governor, says only that each would make an excellent governor. That may be true. But comparable ``quality'' does not mean they would take Virginia in comparable directions.

Here, are 10 policies that separate Beyer and Gilmore and that might be of particular interest to African Americans, who as a group remain on the state's bottom rung financially and educationally:

1) Gilmore's centerpiece tax proposal, eliminating the property tax on cars valued at $20,000 or less, puts more money into the coffers of wealthier individuals and localities than poorer ones.

That's because such individuals and localities pay higher local car taxes (and usually get higher-paid teachers and better-equipped libraries in return). In contrast, Beyer calls for eliminating the sales tax on nonprescription drugs and giving an income tax break to moderate- to low- income workers.

The latter, designed to offset the car tax, misses some people too poor to pay income tax. But overall, his policies shift the tax burden toward - not away from - those most able to pay.

This matters to many African Americans because median income for white families in Virginia at the last census was $41,251; for blacks it was $25,120.

2) The racial difference shows up in geography as well. Thirty-seven percent of the benefits of Gilmore's car tax plan would go to five Northern Virginia localities that are home to 22 percent of the state's residents. The population of those five is 9 percent black vs. an overall statewide population of 19 percent.

3) Gilmore's education plan to hire 4,000 new teachers is income and race neutral. He would place roughly five new teachers in every elementary school.

Beyer would invest more in schools with the largest failure rates and in preschool education for at-risk students. The beneficiaries of such assistance would be disproportionately black. This year, 76 percent of white students statewide passed all three Literacy Passport exams. Just 48 percent of black students passed.

4) Gilmore proposes $2,000 annual college scholarships for well-behaving students with a B average, regardness of need. Beyer's plan would invest some money in merit-based scholarships, but would increase spending on need-based scholarships also.

5) At least rhetorically, Beyer places a greater emphasis on high school drop-out prevention and high school equivalency degree programs than Gilmore. Adult literacy has been a legislative priority for Beyer.

All disproportionately affect blacks. At the last census, 86 percent of white Virginians and 74 percent of black Virginians had high school degrees, for example.

6) While both candidates oppose racial quotas, Beyer professes a greater commitment to affirmative action. Gilmore supports ``affirmative recruitment and colorblind admissions'' at state universities. Beyer says a racially diverse student body is a valid consideration in admissions.

7) Gilmore and Beyer both support requiring welfare recipients to work. When reform was being debated, Beyer urged smaller case loads for social workers monitoring the transition. Later, he supported the right of welfare recipients to appeal the cutoff of benefits. Gilmore opposes both.

About 65 percent of Virginia's welfare caseload is black.

8) Gilmore urges requiring former prison inmates to repay the state all or part of incarceration costs. Beyer opposes the idea. Sixty-eight percent of the state prison population is black.

9) Beyer's party is home to every African-American member of the state legislature. Their access to the governor's office would presumably be greater under a Democratic governor.

10) Gilmore represents a party which believes that, with certain narrow exceptions, society functions best when government is curtailed. Beyer's party sees government as a proactive resource for improving society.

That at least used to be Wilder's way as well.

It is pointless to speculate about the former governor's motivations for acting as he has in the current race. He is mad at Democrats. He wants to be kingmaker. He wants to be left alone. What does it matter?

What counts is the result - the elevation, if Gilmore is elected, of certain public policy priorities over others.

Wilder is a historic figure who spent a lifetime in the Democratic party and used that route for the fulfillment of his own ambitions. As such, he owes voters an explanation - from a policy standpoint - of why he is willing to aid and abet in directing Virginia down a different path. MEMO: Ms. Edds is an editorial writer for The Virginian-Pilot.

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